Journal of International Affairs 2019-02-03T14:45:20+00:00 Dr. Khadga K.C. Open Journal Systems <p>Journal of International Affairs is an annual publication of the Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, Nepal.</p> Hydropower Dams, Environment and Politics 2019-02-03T14:45:20+00:00 A.G.M. Niaz Uddin Md Kamal Uddin <p>Renewable energy sources are vital to fulfill the high demands of energy in the present world. The common renewable energy sources are wind, hydropower, nuclear and biomass. However, hydropower is considered the most flexible and consistent renewable energy source because it is comparatively cheaper and more available. Besides hydroelectricity production, hydropower dams can also be useful for irrigation. Though hydropower energy is considered as green energy due to its less carbon emission, still other environmental impacts of hydropower dams are many. Hydropower dams are built based on political ground. Research into the politics of building hydropower dams and environment remains underdeveloped in many ways. Thus, this paper focuses on the issues of politics of building hydropower dams and its impacts on environment. This paper has critically reviewed the extensive literature to examine the argument and counter argument. This paper argues that the building hydropower dams on international river for renewable energy has political as well as environmental impacts. Most of the literature argued that hydropower dams provide renewable energy which produces less carbon emission, but it is argued in this paper that hydropower dams have huge political and environmental impacts nationally and internationally. Displacement of the people and dispute for water distribution among countries due to the building hydropower dams are also considered to be significant for discussion in this paper. Thus, the paper critically examines the impacts and role of hydropower dams on environment, international relations and politics.</p> 2018-07-31T00:00:00+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Shades of Sovereignty: Understanding Sovereignty in International Politics 2019-02-03T14:45:19+00:00 Apkeshya Shah <p>This paper analyses the concept of Westphalian sovereignty and its practices among states, particularly in the bilateral relationship between Nepal and India. The notion of Westphalian sovereignty, basically a principle of non-intervention in the internal matters of other states, has been a contested concept since the beginning of its inception. Despite numerous international agreements, system-affecting and system-influencing countries have not refrained from meddling into the internal affairs of system-ineffectual states. Taking the issue of alleged Indian interference in Nepal's internal affairs into consideration, this paper examines levels and degrees of correction in accusations and assertions. And if it is correct then how can we understand it better. The first part of the paper discusses the conceptual frame of state sovereignty and its evolution over time. Then, the issue of the exercise of sovereignty is explored and, concurrently, the compromise of state sovereignty is also explained before analysing Nepal-India relations. Next, the Nepal-India relations are analysed.</p> 2018-07-31T00:00:00+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## A Small State between Two Major Powers: Nepal’s Foreign Policy Since 1816 2019-02-03T14:45:19+00:00 Dhruba Raj Adhikari <p>Nepal is a small state situated in a geo-strategic location between two major powers—China and India, the former being a great state, and the latter a middle state. Nepal has asymmetric relations with both India and China in terms of national power. Nepalese psyche has been shaped by the very geostrategic situation since the time immemorial. However, Nepal as a modern state was born only in 1768, since then it has adopted different strategies for its survival according to the changes in international, regional and domestic power equations. During the initial phase (1768-1814), Nepal was called Gorkha empire and it had pursued a grand strategy of sub-regional hegemony while being mindful of the sensibilities of the big powers in the North and the South. Nepal made a transition from imperial grand strategy to small power diplomacy in 1816 when it was defeated in Anglo-Nepal War (1814-16). From 1848, when Jung Bahadur came to power, Nepal started to fully bandwagon with the British colonialists in India. After that, Nepal had followed strategies of ‘special relationship’ with its neighbors, non-alignment, balancing, balking, neutrality, equidistance, equiproximity and trilateral cooperation depending upon changes in domestic, and regional as well as international politics.</p> 2018-07-31T00:00:00+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## Nepal’s Search for Prosperity through Transit Diplomacy 2019-02-03T14:45:19+00:00 Khadga K.C. Gaurav Bhattarai <p>This article traces out the causes for why Nepal’s search for prosperity through transit diplomacy appears to be an un accomplished venture. Identifying different indicators of Nepal’s transit diplomacy, it specifies to what extent Nepal can execute its transit diplomacy and to what extent it cannot. This article also argues that Nepal’s proposal of trilateral ism to its immediate neighbours, India to the South and China to the North, itself, so far has not been institutionalized through any means of trilateral dialogues or ministerial-level meetings. It has only been reduced to the status of a metaphor merely inferring Nepal’s possibilities to bridge two emerging economies in the neighbourhood, which are, however, deemed as the prime actors of Easternization process itself. Hypothesizing that the venture of transit diplomacy has not gained sufficient momentum, this article does not only assess the reluctance of India in providing momentum to trilaterialism, but underlines Nepal’s lack of preparation and assertiveness which have actually sidelined her plausible role to make it happen at Nepal’s larger interest. The idea of trilateralism should, therefore, bear an institutional reality. Without such an institutionalization, Nepal’s quest for prosperity through transit diplomacy might not yield expected results, and shall always dwell on the status of an un accomplished venture.</p> 2018-07-31T00:00:00+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement## China-led BRI and its Impact on India with Specific Reference to CPEC 2019-02-03T14:45:19+00:00 Soumya Awasthi <p>Given China’s proactive international diplomacy today, it continues to make its presence felt in the region. The ambitious project of Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) stands among the widest reaching of all other initiatives. It not only represents a renewed, stronger and better co-ordinated push to expand China’s influence overseas but is also coupled with a domestic investment drive, in which nearly every Chinese province has a stake. BRI is a set of two outward-facing models introduced by the Chinese President Xi Jinping in 2013 to promote economic engagement and investment along two main routes: the New Silk Road and the Maritime Silk Route. The proposed countries under the BRI framework are close to 68 countries, with up to 40 per cent of the Global GDP (Griffiths, 2017). This article looks at four major issues. First, what comprises BRI and what it has for the partners in the project? Second, what does it mean for India with specific reference to China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CEPC)? Third, major concerns in BRI and CEPC. Finally, the article also discusses the available options for India reluctant to join BRI.</p> 2018-07-31T00:00:00+00:00 ##submission.copyrightStatement##